a strategy of peace speech

Finally, my fellow Americans, let us examine our attitude toward peace and freedom here at home. Secretary of State Antony Blinken delivered a long-awaited speech last week outlining the administration's China strategy. We must deal with the world as it is, and not as it might have been had the history of the last 18 years been different. And is not peace, in the last analysis, basically a matter of human rights--the right to live out our lives without fear of devastation--the right to breathe air as nature provided it--the right of future generations to a healthy existence? Our problems are manmadetherefore, they can be solved by man. Having survived the Cuban missile crisis, he worried about the risk of nuclear war, a risk that would grow as nuclear weapons spread. [16] The speech was met with some skepticism within the US. John F. Kennedy[10], Jeffrey Sachs, American economist and director of the Earth Institute at Columbia University, was deeply moved by the speech, "not only for its eloquence and content, but also for its relevance to today's global challenges. Although they both push for world peace, Churchill did not believe the Soviets were ready for another war. His strategy for peace was a strategy of military strength, of lucid and direct communication with foes and friends alike, of empathy and reason, and ultimately of enduring commitment to the pledge that forever marked his inauguration speech: "to assure the survival and success of liberty." Finally, alluding to the struggle of blacks for civil rights, Kennedy acknowledged that peace without justice is hollow. In this tribute, leading educators and visionaries comment on the impact of the speech and its relevance today. The only difference is that Churchill's speech was made before the Cold War and JFK's was made in the middle. It leads to the conclusion that war is inevitablethat mankind is doomedthat we are gripped by forces we cannot control. And the elimination of war and arms is clearly in the interest of both. I am talking about genuine peace, the kind of peace that makes life on earth worth living, the kind that enables men and nations to grow and to hope and to build a better life for their children--not merely peace for Americans but peace for all men and women--not merely peace in our time but peace for all time." 105). Kennedy's Kitchen Cabinet and the Pursuit of Peace: The Shaping of American Foreign Policy, 1961-1963. We all cherish our children's future. And even in the Cold War, which brings burdens and dangers to so many countries, including this Nation's closest alliesour two countries bear the heaviest burdens. Despite his relatively short presidency, Kennedy is remembered for his exceptional oratory skill, political triumphs and mistakes, and ambitious dreams for a better tomorrow. I speak of peace because of the new face of war. Talk, as Barack Obama has unfortunately demonstrated, is cheap. I am talking about genuine peace, the kind of peace that makes life on earth worth living, the kind that enables men and nations to grow and to hope and to build a better life for their children--not merely peace for Americans but peace for all men and women--not merely peace in our time but peace for all time. Continue reading with a Scientific American subscription. His books include The End of Science, The End of War and Mind-Body Problems, available for free at mindbodyproblems.com. And if we cannot end now our differences, at least we can help make the world safe for diversity. Create your free account or Sign in to continue. The Communist drive to impose their political and economic system on others is the primary cause of world tension today. The speech was endorsed by Hubert Humphrey and other Democrats, but labeled a "dreadful mistake" by Goldwater and "another case of concession" by Everett Dirksen, the leader of the Senate Republicans. I nonetheless love the so-called "Peace Speech" given exactly 50 years ago by President John F. Kennedy. Commencement addresses have figured prominently in American foreign policy. John and his wife, biologist Dr. Cheryl Holdren, have been married since 1966. COVID-19 has further set us back across the Goals, including on gender equality, on poverty, and on climate. And above all, while defending our own vital interests, nuclear powers must avert those confrontations which bring an adversary to a choice of either a humiliating retreat or a nuclear war. It is discouraging to think that their leaders may actually believe what their propagandists write. And we are all mortal." We must show it in the dedication of our own livesas many of you who are graduating today will have an opportunity to do, by serving without pay in the Peace Corps abroad or in the proposed National Service Corps here at home. However fixed our likes and dislikes may seem, the tide of time and events will often bring surprising changes in the relations between nations and neighbors. In 1995 he gave the acceptance speech for the Nobel Peace Prize on behalf of the Pugwash Conferences on Science and World Affairs, an international organization of scientists and public figures in which he served in leadership positions from 1982 to 1997. But plenty of others would vote for a commencement address given sixteen years later: John F. Kennedys arms control speech to the graduating class of American University, which he gave on June 10, 1963. It was hailed as one of the most important speeches of the 20th century: A call for world peace by a president who knew well how . Released January 20, 1963. Our interests converge, however, not only in defending the frontiers of freedom, but in pursuing the paths of peace. And it is the responsibility of all citizens in all sections of this country to respect the rights of all others and to respect the law of the land. Washington DC-Baltimore Area. And, for our part, we do not need to use threats to prove that we are resolute. World peace, like community peace, does not require that each man love his neighbor--it requires only that they live together in mutual tolerance, submitting their disputes to a just and peaceful settlement. "[15] Ted Sorensen considered the address Kennedy's most important speech[18] and Kennedy's best speech.[19]. 2023 Scientific American, a Division of Nature America, Inc. We need leaders with this kind of inspiring vision today! But it is also a warninga warning to the American people not to fall into the same trap as the Soviets, not to see only a distorted and desperate view of the other side, not to see conflict as inevitable, accommodation as impossible, and communication as nothing more than an exchange of threats. Some say that it is useless to speak of peace or world law or world disarmamentand that it will be useless until the leaders of the Soviet Union adopt a more enlightened attitude. What kind of peace do I mean? It is an ironic but accurate fact that the two strongest powers are the two in the most danger of devastation. The Communist drive to impose their political and economic system on others is the primary cause of world tension today. Video: Full Speech So, let us not be blind to our differencesbut let us also direct attention to our common interests and the means by which those differences can be resolved. 15. Kennedy traveled the five miles to AUs campus by helicopter. And increased understanding will require increased contact and communication. We shall be alert to try to stop it. To adopt that kind of course in the nuclear age would be evidence only of the bankruptcy of our policyor of a collective death-wish for the world. Language links are at the top of the page across from the title. John Horgan directs the Center for Science Writings at the Stevens Institute of Technology. April 28, 2023. We are not helpless before that task or hopeless of its success. He was no longer worried about missile gaps and Soviet military superiority. I am taking this opportunity, therefore, to announce two important decisions in this regard. For peace is a processa way of solving problems. Genuine peace must be the product of many nations, the sum of many acts. And every graduate of this school, every thoughtful citizen who despairs of war and wishes to bring peace, should begin by looking inwardby examining his own attitude towards the possibilities of peace, towards the Soviet Union, towards the course of the Cold War and towards freedom and peace here at home. Kennedys speech that morning doesnt contain any especially memorable lines, certainly nothing that could compete with ask not what your country can do for you or "Ich bin ein Berliner." [6] Although Kennedy often interposed off-the-cuff ad-libs to his speeches, he did not deviate from the final draft of the address. But surely the acquisition of such idle stockpiles--which can only destroy and never create--is not the only, much less the most efficient, means of assuring peace. We will not be the first to resume. With such a peace, there will still be quarrels and conflicting interests, as there are within families and nations. Speaking of other nations, I wish to make one point clear. JFK - A Strategy of Peace Skyler Velazco 24 subscribers Subscribe 91 5.7K views 9 years ago Here's a video I made for my freshman English composition class. We are not helpless before that task or hopeless of its success. Too many think it is unreal. Such a declaration is no substitute for a formal binding treaty, but I hope it will help us achieve one. Let us focus instead on a more practical, more attainable peace based not on a sudden revolution in human nature but on a gradual evolution in human institutionson a series of concrete actions and effective agreements which are in the interest of all concerned. The United States will make no deal with the Soviet Union at the expense of other nations and other peoples, not merely because they are our partners, but also because their interests and ours converge. "[7], Sorensen had been Kennedy's aide since the 1952 Massachusetts Senatorial election, and eventually served as his primary campaign speechwriter and as Special Counsel during and after the 1960 Presidential election. A little more than a month later, on July 25, the United States, the Soviet Union, and the United Kingdom agreed to the Limited Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, which barred nuclear testing in the atmosphere, underwater, or in outer space. But it can--if it is sufficiently effective in its enforcement and if it is sufficiently in the interests of its signers--offer far more security and far fewer risks than an unabated, uncontrolled, unpredictable arms race. But it is also a warning--a warning to the American people not to fall into the same trap as the Soviets, not to see only a distorted and desperate view of the other side, not to see conflict as inevitable, accommodation as impossible, and communication as nothing more than an exchange of threats. In short, both the United States and its allies, and the Soviet Union and its allies, have a mutually deep interest in a just and genuine peace and in halting the arms race.